Browse

Electoral democracy combines the ideas and practices of warfare and welfare, where both work in tandem as near synonyms. India’s robust electoral democracy exemplifies this combination in diverse forms. Critically analysing the 2014 Parliamentary elections beyond the seduction of immediacy and bare cold statistics, this book puts human subjectivity at the centre of election studies and, through an anthropological–sociological approach, makes lives—human and non-human, lived and unlived or unlivable—central to any understanding of elections and democracy. Crafting a new, comprehensive approach, this volume looks at the 2014 elections in relation to the changing nature and forms of elections and democracy globally. Coming from multidisciplinary backgrounds, the contributors to this volume use ethnographic observations to open up a space for new theoretical and methodological reflections on the role of media in Indian elections, the shift to the right in 2014 and its consequences, the significance of traditional Hindu spaces such as the river Ganga in BJP’s victory, the role of gurus like Baba Ramdev, and the electoral choices available to and exercised by the minorities, among others.

For decades, Algeria has been depicted as an inaccessible, opaque, rentier state and under the control of secret intelligence agencies and inaccessible “cartels” and “clans”. While that analysis is partly true, this book contends that the analytical emphasis on opacity risks missing how much the country has changed since the 1990s: the new transparency of the interest groups that govern the country; the competing notions of economic development within key financial institutions; the impact of non-revolutionary contentious politics; the micro-politics of the changing attitudes of the country’s urban youth; the growth of moderate Islamist party politics; the changing notions of security held by the armed forces; and the dislocation of rebellion towards the South. Across ten chapters, the book demonstrates that Algeria under Abdelaziz Bouteflika remains complex and challenging to understand, but that it is no longer opaque and inaccessible.

Over the past few decades, debates about policing in poor urban areas have shifted from analyzing the state’s neglect and abandonment to documenting its harsh interventions and punishing presence. Most of this research has focused on the overt actions and inactions of the state. Yet we know very little about the covert world of state action that is hidden from public view. The Ambivalent State offers an unprecedented look into the clandestine relationships between police officers and drug dealers in Argentina. Drawing on a unique combination of ethnographic research and documentary evidence, including hundreds of pages of wiretapped phone conversations, sociologists Javier Auyero and Katherine Sobering analyze the inner workings of “police-criminal collusion” and its connections to drug markets and the depacification of daily life. Through rich descriptions of the actual clandestine interactions between drug dealers and police, they argue that an up-close examination of covert state action exposes the workings of an “ambivalent state”: one that enforces the rule of law while at the same time and in the same place functions as a partner to what it defines as criminal behavior. The Ambivalent State develops a political sociology of violence that focuses on not only what takes place in police stations, criminal courts, and poor neighborhoods, but also the clandestine actions and interactions of police agents, judges, and politicians that structure daily life at the urban margins. By way of empirical demonstration, the book makes an urgent call for scholars to incorporate clandestine action into understandings of the state.

This book is about how Donald Trump, who had no prior public service, became president of the United States. It argues that Trump capitalized on a wave of increasing public discontent that stemmed from the demise of the country’s Golden Age of prosperity. This involved decades-long trends in the American economy, race relations, ideology, and political polarization, all of which fueled rising discontent across America. It reached a tipping point by the time Barack Obama was elected president. When the 2008 financial crisis hit and Obama was elected the first African American president, he tried to resolve the crisis and fix the nation’s ailing health care system. But in doing so he pushed rising discontent over the edge. Political gridlock in Washington resulted. Discontent skyrocketed. Americans were fed up and looked for a savior. Trump was lucky to be in the right place at the right time and rode that wave of discontent all the way to the White House.

This is the first comprehensive history of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society (BFASS), from its founding in 1838. The Society, set up by Quaker Joseph Sturge and Lord Henry Brougham after the abolition of slavery in the Empire, married the campaigning anti-slavery movement with the British mission to civilize the world. The BFASS took up the cause of slavery practiced by other countries, often rivals, like the United States, France, Spain and Portugal, creating a new model of human rights diplomacy. Championing British rule, though often being critical of government policy, put the society into difficult controversies. The BFASS was so hostile to America that it initially welcomed the secession and then later took up the cause of Morant Bay rebels in Jamaica, pressing for Governor Eyre’s prosecution. With the closing of the Atlantic slave trade the Society turned to East Africa and the Arab slave traders working out of Zanzibar. It was a turn that led the BFASS to lobby for colonial rule in Africa as a remedy to slave-trading, so that the Society helped to prepare for, and publicize the 1890 Brussels Conference that carved up Africa. Allied with the colonial project, the Society was severely tested in its humanitarian goals, by the growing knowledge of atrocities committed against native peoples in the colonies.

How do women claim rights against violence in India and with what consequences? By observing how women navigate the Indian criminal justice system, Roychowdhury provides a unique lens on rights negotiations in the world’s largest democracy. She finds that women interact with the law not by following legal procedure or abiding by the rules but by deploying collective threats and doing the work of the state themselves. They do so because law enforcement personnel are incapacitated and unwilling to enforce the law. As a result, rights negotiations do not necessarily lead to more woman-friendly outcomes or better legal enforcement. Instead, they allow some women to make gains outside the law: repossess property and children, negotiate cash settlements, join women’s groups, access paid employment, develop a sense of self-assurance, and become members of the public sphere. Capable Women, Incapable States shows how the Indian criminal justice system governs violence against women not by protecting them from harm but by forcing them to become “capable”: to take the law into their own hands and complete the hard work that incapable and unwilling state officials refuse to complete. Roychowdhury’s book houses implications for how we understand gender inequality and governance not just in India but in large parts of the world where political mobilization for rights confronts negligent and incapacitated criminal justice systems.

Aging populations and changes in health care, household structure, and women’s labor force participation over the last half century have created a “crisis in care”: demand for care of the old and infirm is rapidly growing, while the supply of private care within the family is substantially contracting. And yet despite the adverse effects of the long-term care crisis on the economic security of families and the health of family caregivers, American families have demonstrated little inclination for translating their private care problems into political demands for social policy reform. Caring for Our Own inverts an enduring question of social welfare politics. Rather than asking why the American state, a known laggard in all matters involving social welfare, hasn’t responded to unmet needs by expanding social entitlements, this book asks: Why don’t American families view unmet needs as the basis for demands for new state entitlements? How do traditional beliefs in family responsibility for social welfare persist even in the face of unmet need? The answer, this book argues, lies in a better understanding of how individuals imagine solutions to their social welfare problems and what prevents politicized understandings of social welfare provision from developing into political demand for reform. This book considers the ways in which existing social policies shape the political imagination, reinforcing longstanding values about family responsibility, subverting grievances grounded in notions of social responsibility, and in some rare cases, constructing new models of social provision that transcend existing ideological divisions in American politics.

The book asks to what extent Himalayan farmers and their institutions are prepared to face a future when external production conditions change. Because farming is particularly sensitive to climate, the main aim here is to relate present farming practices to projected future climate changes. Intensive, coordinated studies of six farming communities along the Himalayan range, from China in the east to Pakistan in the west, focus on their potentiality to adapt to climate changes that are projected for 2030, 2050, and 2100. But since climate projections are just projections, and since the context of farming is wider than just climate, the book also asks about farmers’ capacity to adapt to uncertainty in general. For that purpose, theories of ‘flexibility’ that have been applied in ecology, economics, and management science are accommodated to the present topic of farming systems. The assertion is that farmers and farming systems that are flexible are best prepared to face a future of climate change and other uncertainties.

This book examines how and why people use the concept of coming out as a certain kind of person to resist stigma and collectively mobilize for social change. It examines how the concept of coming out has taken on different meanings as people adopt it for varying purposes—across time, space, and social context. Most other books about coming out—whether fiction, academic, or memoir—focus on the experience of gay men and lesbians in the United States. This is the first book to examine how a variety of people and groups use the concept of coming out in new and creative ways to resist stigma and mobilize for social change. It examines how the use of coming out among American lesbians, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer (LGBTQ+) people has shifted over time. It also examines how four diverse US social movements—including the fat acceptance movement, undocumented immigrant youth movement, the plural-marriage family movement among Mormon fundamentalist polygamists, and the #MeToo movement—have employed the concept of coming out to advance their cause. Doing so sheds light on these particular struggles for social recognition, while illuminating broader questions regarding social change, cultural meaning, and collective mobilization.

Why do people participate in controversial symbolic events that drive wedges between groups and occasionally spark violence? This book examines this question through an in-depth case study of Northern Ireland. Protestant organizations perform over 2,500 parades across Northern Ireland each year. Protestants tend to see the parades as festive occasions that celebrate Protestant history and culture. Catholics, however, tend to see them as hateful, intimidating, and triumphalist. As a result, parades have been a major source of conflict in the years since the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement. This book examines why, given the often negative consequences, people choose to participate in these parades. Drawing on theories from the study of contentious politics and the study of ritual, the book argues that paraders are more interested in the benefits intrinsic to participation in a communal ritual than the external consequences of their action. The book presents analysis of original quantitative and qualitative data to support this argument and to test it against prominent alternative explanations. Interview, survey, and ethnographic data are also used to explore issues central to parade participation, including identity expression, commemoration, tradition, the pleasures of participation, and communicating a message to outside audiences. The book additionally examines a paradox at the center of parading: while most observers see parades as political events, the participants do not. Altogether, the book offers a new perspective on politics and culture in the aftermath of ethnic violence.

In the contemporary era we have seen a proliferation of storytelling activities, from the phenomenon of TED talks and Humans of New York to a plethora of story-coaching agencies and consultants. Curated Stories seeks to understand the rise of this storytelling culture alongside a broader shift to neoliberal free market economies. The book shows how in the turn to free market orders, stories have been reconfigured to promote liberal and neoliberal self-making and are restructured as easily digestible soundbites mobilized toward utilitarian ends. The reader is taken to several sites around the world where we can hear stories and observe varied contemporary modes of storytelling: the online Afghan Women’s Writing Project, the domestic workers movement and the undocumented student Dreamer movement in the United States, and the Misión Cultura storytelling project in Venezuela. Curated stories are often heartbreaking accounts of poverty and mistreatment that may move us deeply. But what do they move us to? What are the stakes, and for whom, in the crafting and mobilization of storytelling? A careful analysis of the conditions under which the stories are told, the tropes through which they are narrated, and the ways in which they are responded to shows how stories may actually work to disguise the deeper contexts of global inequality in which these marginal lives are situated. The book is also concerned with how we might reclaim storytelling as a craft that allows for the fullness and complexity of experience to be expressed in pursuit of transformative social change.

Darjeeling occupies a special place in the South Asian imaginary with its Himalayan vistas, lush tea gardens, and brisk mountain air. Thousands of tourists, domestic and international, annually flock to the hills to taste their world-renowned tea and soak up the colonial nostalgia. Darjeeling Reconsidered rethinks Darjeeling’s status in the postcolonial imagination. Mobilizing diverse disciplinary approaches from the social sciences and humanities, this definitive collection of essays sheds fresh light on the region’s past and offers critical insight into the issues facing its people today. While the historical analyses provide alternative readings of the systems of governance, labour, and migration that shaped Darjeeling, the ethnographic chapters present accounts of dynamics that define life in twenty-first century Darjeeling, including the Gorkhaland Movement, Fair Trade tea, indigenous and subnationalist struggle, gendered inequality, ecological transformation, and resource scarcity. The volume figures Darjeeling as a vital site for South Asian and postcolonial studies and calls for a timely re-examination of the legend and hard realities of this oft-romanticized region.

Human capital theory, the notion that there is a direct relationship between educational investment and individual and national prosperity, has dominated public policy on education and labor for the past fifty years. This book describes the development of human capital theory and why it has turned into a failed revolution. It outlines an alternative theory that re-defines human capital in an age of smart machines. The new human capital rejects the view that automation and AI will result in the end of waged work, but sees the fundamental problem as a lack of quality jobs offering interesting, worthwhile and rewarding opportunities. At stake in the new human capital are the future prospects for individual wellbeing in productive, sustainable and inclusive societies. It also connects with a growing sense that capitalism is in crisis, felt by students and the wider workforce, in offering a sober assessment of current realities at the same time as a sense of hope for the future.

There is a wide diversity in the provision of public services in India. In some states one can go miles without seeing a functional school or a public health centre, where roads are poorly maintained, and electricity has not yet been introduced. In other places, governments tend to function remarkably well in extending basic public services to all. Tamil Nadu is among a few such states with an impressive commitment to services. This book examines the dynamics that led to Tamil Nadu’s commitment. I argue that incessant public action in Tamil Nadu underlies that commitment. People tend to act when services are not available or functional and thus create pressure on the government to deliver. Public action is relentless and it comes from all sections of the society, forcing those in positions of power to ensure that basic services are socially accessible to all. But only few decades ago most Dalits, women, or people from lower castes and classes would rarely enter administrative offices, police stations or other government offices–leave alone asserting themselves with these officials. The crux of the book deals with the socio-political changes that made this form of decentralized public action possible, with its tremendous consequences for governance. I also argue that these dynamics have a resonance in many other parts of India. While such changes started early on in southern India, similar patterns have emerged over the last twenty years in major North Indian states creating pressure on once dysfunctional states to deliver more and more services effectively.

Democracy was inspired by the lofty ideals of the French Revolution: liberty, equality, and fraternity. These ideals led many countries to challenge the absolutist monarchies of the past. In Europe, democratic ideals and values grew in response to the oppressive rule of absolutist monarchs. In India, the idea of democracy came with colonial rule but conferred subjecthood without citizenship on the Indian people. Colonial rule kindled the aspiration of Indians to become a nation of free and equal citizens and led to the formation of a political party, the Indian National Congress. This book explores the political institutions of democracy in India, focusing on those that began to emerge from the middle of the nineteenth century onwards. It looks at Parliament and the state legislatures, the Supreme Court and high courts, and political parties, highlighting the maladies that beset these basic institutions of democracy today. After discussing the institutions of democracy, the book looks at the role of government and opposition in a democracy, civil society and the state, constitutional morality, how institutions work and why they fail, the representation of India as a society of castes and communities as well as a nation of citizens, pluralism and liberalism in India, the distinction between law and custom, and the relationship between sociology and ideology.

Democracy in the Making looks at how activist groups form. By closely observing the dynamics of 60 emerging activist efforts on the left and right over a three year period in Pittsburgh, it assesses the possibilities and limits of grassroots activism as a democratizing force in modern U.S. society. The book presents two broad findings. First, very early times matter. What an activist group initially does, even what it talks about, has long-lasting consequences. Early actions set up assumptions about how activist groups should operate that are difficult to dismantle or even perceive. Second, activist groups make decisions within a changing sense of what is possible. Over time, their sense of possibilities tends to narrow and options for action become more restricted. When action is too constrained, groups either collapse or dramatically reshape their sense of possibilities. By taking a close look at how ordinary people come together to change society, this book pinpoints both the potentials and the boundaries of democratization in grassroots activism. It shows how activism can broaden people’s sense of political engagement but also how activist groups can become mired in dysfunctional and undemocratic patterns that their members may dislike but don’t know how to change.

Framed in debates about the crisis of democracy, the book analyzes one of the most influential social movements of recent times: Spain’s “Indignados” or “15-M” movement. In the wake of the global financial crisis and harsh austerity policies, 15-M movement activists occupied public squares across the country, mobilized millions of Spanish citizens, gave rise to new hybrid parties such as Podemos, and inspired pro-democracy movements around the world. Based on access to key participants in the 15-M movement and Podemos, and extensive participant observation, the book tells the story of this remarkable movement, its emergence, evolution, and impact. In so doing, it challenges some of the core arguments in social movement scholarship about the factors likely to lead to movement success. Instead, the book argues that movements organized around autonomous network logics can build and sustain strong movements in the absence of formal organizations, strong professionalized leadership, and the ability to attract external resources. The key to understanding its power lies in the shared political culture and collective identity that emerged following the occupation of Spain’s central squares. These protest camps sustained the movement by forging reciprocal ties of solidarity between diverse actors, and generating a shared set of critical master frames across a diverse set of actors and issues (e.g., housing, education, pensions, privatization of public services, corruption) that enabled the movement to effectively contest hegemonic narratives about the crisis, austerity, and democracy, influencing public debate and the political agenda.

This book offers a new way to conceptualize and study differences among democracies, focusing on political conduct and interaction as well as related taken-for-granted assumptions. With an empirical basis in a multimethod study of Portugal and Spain, pioneers in the worldwide turn to democracy that began in the 1970s, the argument identifies how political inclusion and equality vary substantially as a result of processes that the book theorizes: Nationally predominant forms of democratic practice constitute cultural legacies of the countries’ pathways to democracy during the 1970s. Whereas Portugal moved from dictatorship to democracy through a social revolution that inverted hierarchies and reconfigured cultural patterns while also generating thorough political democratization, Spain experienced a regime-led process of political transition under pressure from the opposition. The book shows how this contrast in pathways put in place ways of understanding democracy that have had deep consequences for political inclusion and conduct. Points of contrast in contemporary democratic practice include patterns of interaction between social movement protest and elected power holders as well as conduct within representative entities and in crucial secondary institutions such as the news media and the educational system. Consequences are identified in distributional outcomes, housing and welfare state policies, employment policy, and in the handling of economic crises. The implications of Spain’s less inclusionary democratic practice for cultural “others” such as Catalans are taken up in the chapter on the Catalan crisis. Implications for democratic theory and for sociological and political science theory are also taken up.

To this day, the Turkish state officially denies that what happened to the Armenians in 1915 was genocide, while the Western scholarly community is almost in full agreement that what happened to the forcefully deported Armenian subjects of the Ottoman Empire in 1915 was genocide, in which approximately 800,000 to 1.5 million Armenians perished. This book studies why denial of collective violence persists in Turkish state and society. To capture the negotiation of meaning, it undertakes a qualitative analysis of 356 contemporaneous memoirs penned by 307 authors in addition to secondary sources, journals, and newspapers. The main theoretical argument is that denial is a multilayered, historical process consisting of the interaction of the structural elements of collective violence and situated modernity with the emotional elements of collective emotions and legitimating events. In this empirical case, denial emerged through four stages: (1) the initial imperial denial of origins of violence commenced in 1789 with the advent of systematic modernity until 1907; (2) the Young Turk denial of the act of violence lasted for a decade from 1908 to 1918; (3) early republican denial of actors of violence took place from 1919 to 1973; and (4) the late republican denial of responsibility for violence started in 1974 and was still present in 2009 when the book was completed.

This volume focuses on the debate that developed in France, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom after the terrorist attacks against Charlie Hebdo and the kosher supermarket, in January 2015. The book offers an in-depth analysis of the unfolding of the public debate in terms of content of claims making, framing, and justifications as well as the quality (deliberativeness) of the discourses by a variety of actors in the public sphere. The volume features a threefold comparison that considers how the debate differs across countries; how it evolved over time; and how it varies when one looks at mainstream media compared to social movement arenas. Based on a triangulation of quantitative and qualitative analyses, the volume pays particular attention to radical left, radical right, and religious actors and to issues related to migration and integration, secularism and cultural diversity, security and civil rights. Taking its starting point from the infamous attacks of January 2015, this volume aims also at contributing to a theoretical innovation by reflecting on the ways in which transformative events trigger discursive critical junctures.