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Argument Licensing and Agreement$
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Claire Halpert

Print publication date: 2015

Print ISBN-13: 9780190256470

Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: December 2015

DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190256470.001.0001

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A-movement and Phi

A-movement and Phi

Building Blocks of Zulu Syntax

(p.10) Chapter 2 A-movement and Phi
Argument Licensing and Agreement

Claire Halpert

Oxford University Press

This chapter lays out a number of basic properties of Zulu syntax, focusing in particular on the patterns governing phi-agreement and vP-internal argument structure. It demonstrates that Zulu nominals can only agree when they appear in vP-external positions and that choice of position is related to interpretive properties. Notably, it also provides evidence that Zulu nominals are not subject to familiar Activity Condition effects: they can undergo raising-to-subject and raising-to-object out of finite clauses and can control multiple instances of subject agreement. In addition to agreement properties, the chapter outlines a number of facts about argument structure, showing that Zulu uses applicative and causative morphology to introduce additional arguments and allows up to three arguments to remain inside vP.

Keywords:   agreement, information structure, raising, Activity Condition, argument structure, causatives, applicatives, Zulu

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