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The Arab Minority in Israel,
                        1967–1991Political Aspects$

Jacob M. Landau

Print publication date: 1993

Print ISBN-13: 9780198277125

Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: October 2011

DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198277125.001.0001

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Language and Culture

Language and Culture

Chapter:
(p.84) 6 Language and Culture
Source:
The Arab Minority in Israel, 1967–1991
Author(s):

Alison Sharrock

Publisher:
Oxford University Press
DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198277125.003.0007

Abstract and Keywords

This chapter discusses issues concerning the language and culture of Arab minority in Israel during the period from 1967—1981. The Arabs value their language, not only as a means of communication but also as a symbol of ethnic and cultural identity, and as one of the essential bases for the preservation of their existence. However, most economic life, banking, politics, and military matters are conducted in the Hebrew language. This left the Arabs in a dilemma of whether to learn Hebrew at the expense of Arabic or sacrifice the linguistic inadequacy of Arab school graduates. Arabic literature in Israel continued to evolve after the British rule in Palestine, however, in recent times publications of a political nature have been censored by the Jewish authority.

Keywords:   language, culture, Arab minority, Israel, Arabic literature, Arabic language

Introductory

Educated Arabs in Israel are interested both in the Palestinian heritage and in the current cultural status of their own minority—in language, literature, the press, and the arts. In a lecture given in 1983, Emile ̣Habībī, writer, journalist, and former Communist leader, maintained that Arab culture in the State of Israel would largely determine the outcome of the Palestinian national struggle.1 Other Arab intellectuals in Israel, too, have referred to the need for developing their culture as a primary objective.2 Not a few are trying to do research into Arab culture in Palestine in previous centuries, and assess its significance.3 A more radical group among them has lately been demanding cultural autonomy—in education, language, university teaching, radio and television programmes, and so on—in response to a large minority’s aspiration to express its national character in complete equality with the majority.4

Language Issues

Every social group has a special relationship to its own language. The Arabs, however, throughout their history, have shown a particularly high regard for it, considering it an important value in itself, an epitome of perfection. That the Koran was revealed in Arabic naturally enhanced the significance of the language for all Muslims. For the Arabs in Palestine and then in Israel, as for (p.85) the Jews there, language has served not merely as a means of communication, but also as a symbol of ethnic and cultural identity and a vehicle for expressing nationalist aspirations—an instrument that ought to be fostered as an integral part of those aspirations. It is no accident that a well-known Israeli-Arab writer like Ḥannā Abū Ḥannā has defined land and language as ‘the two essential bases for the preservation of our existence’.5 Further, many Arabs feel that, although the majority language in the State of Israel is Hebrew, in the region of the Middle East and North Africa it is Arabic.

By law,6 both Hebrew and Arabic are official languages in the State of Israel: both are employed in the Knesset, the lawcourts, and government offices; on identity cards, stamps, coins, paper money, and many public signs; on radio and television. It has already been said (above, Chapter 5) that Arabic is the medium of instruction for all Arab children, as Hebrew is for Jewish ones. A substantive difference, in the legal domain, is that Hebrew (rather than Arabic) is granted precedence over English in interpreting the law in cases when different interpretations are possible.

In practice, Hebrew is favoured over Arabic in several aspects of daily life, dictated by the economic and political weight naturally attached to the majority in any society. According to the 1983 population census, 30 per cent of all Arabs in Israel speak Hebrew as a second language, while only 11.5 per cent of the Jews speak Arabic as a second language, many of them emigrants from Middle Eastern countries, where they studied Arabic. This situation derives from the asymmetry in education, by which all Arab children study Hebrew at school for a substantial number of hours over several years, while Jewish pupils learn Arabic, generally as an elective study, for fewer years. Hence it is not surprising that government offices prefer Hebrew, in practice. This is the case, for instance, with road signs in a number of mixed towns and elsewhere.7 Only recently, in January 1989, the Central Committee of the Histadrut held a special debate on this issue and decided to use its influence (p.86) to have all public signs written in both Hebrew and Arabic.8 It should also be noted that Divrey ha-Knesset, the stenographic reports of parliamentary debates, are published solely in Hebrew; laws are published in both languages, but the Arabic version generally appears in print later than the Hebrew.

Since most economic life, banking, politics, and military matters, as well as the whole of higher education, are in Hebrew, the Arabs in Israel find themselves in a dilemma. On the one hand, some of their spokesmen argue that they have to devote too much time at school to learning Hebrew as a foreign language, perhaps at the expense of Arabic; on the other hand, others maintain that too little Hebrew is studied, hence the school graduates are not well enough equipped, linguistically, to compete in the free labour market and in higher education. Considering all the above, bilingualism has a special character in the State of Israel: Arabic is equal to Hebrew, but in some aspects is somewhat less than equal. Nevertheless, language has not become a focal area of controversy, perhaps because the above aspects are not central and also because the Jewish majority has usually demonstrated a liberal, pluralistic approach to the Arab minority on issues of language and culture. Indeed, Arabs are free to publish literary works and newspapers in their own language, which they do. Symptomatically, when 1989/90 was officially proclaimed ‘the year of Hebrew’, some Arabs,9 but also some Jews,10 immediately demanded that it be ‘the year of Hebrew and Arabic’.

Political Literature

Arabic literature in Israel, at least in the state’s early years, was a continuation of literary expression in the years of British rule in Palestine.11 As then, it continued to develop separately, without (p.87) any regular contacts between Arab and Jewish intellectuals. Each of the two sectors had its own writers’ association,12 derived inspiration from different civilizations, and addressed itself to different readers. Meetings between the two have indeed been attempted,13 but these were merely occasional and uninstitutionalized encounters between the two camps. In each of the two sectors stereotypes have been formed about the other,14 often bearing no relation to reality.

Although the debate continues on whether Arabic literature in Palestine, in Israel, and in the Israeli-held territories is an organic part of wider Arabic culture or, rather, a local literature with its own specifics,15 it can still be maintained that it has evolved its own characteristics in the last forty years. This is, indeed, a rich and varied literature. It can boast of prose and poetry focusing on topics central to world literatures. However, it comprises a prominent component of political writing, addressed to a readership which has passed from a majority into a minority and is struggling to maintain its particular character.16 This phenomenon is referred to by Professor George Qanāzi’, of Haifa University, as ‘ideological elements in Arabic literature in Israel’.17 Such characteristics, (p.88) naturally enough, appear in the writings of ethnic and religious minorities in other places as well.

Owing to the high cost of publishing books in Israel, many Arab writers and poets have preferred to print their work in newspapers and periodicals (to be discussed below in this chapter), or to seek subsidies from institutions. This situation has largely conditioned Arab political writing, with the dividing line being either support for the state and its Establishment or, conversely, criticism of it. Supporters wrote in pro-government organs or enjoyed grants and awards from the authorities, the Histadrut, and other bodies. The critics, on the other hand (for example Etnile Ḥabībī18), published their writings in the Communist press, which over the years has been no less nationalist than Marxist, or, later, in nationalist organs in Israel, in the Israeli-held territories, or abroad.19 In so far as such writing was published in the State of Israel, its authors had to take into account the existence of censorship, necessitated by the war between Israel and the Arab states. True, censorship was usually applied to security matters alone; however, there have been isolated cases when it intervened in others as well. An exceptional example is the case of Shafīq Ḥabīb, charged with writing a politically inciting poem and given a suspended sentence by the courts in April 1992.20 Seen from this perspective, Arabic literature in the State of Israel reflects the general situation as well as the ideological attitudes of the minority: the critics, spokesmen of oppositionist circles, have been increasingly radical in their political expression,21 while supporters, identifying with the State of Israel, have been silenced, to a growing extent, in their writing. The works of both sides have dealt, of course, with subjects of concern to many Arabs in Israel: relations between Jews and Arabs, in general, and Palestinians, in particular; the struggle for full equality; and various events within Israel or the Middle East which affect the Arab minority.

The 1967 War did away with the cultural blockade on Arabic literature in Israel, by renewing contacts with the Israeli-held (p.89) territories and through them with Jordan and other Arab states.22 Since then, Israel has ruled over a large additional number of Arabs, all of whom had been nurtured on a strongly anti-Israeli (sometimes anti-Jewish) literature and press. This influence was a starting-point in shaping post-1967 Arabic writing in Israel.23 The renewed encounter with Palestinians in the Israeli-held territories as well as with the literature of the Arab states has had a visible impact on the Arabs in Israel. The Communist Druze poet, Samīḥ al-Qāsim,24 writing in Arabic, characterized the 1967 encounter as ‘being born anew\ Indeed, in addition to the 1967 War, which ended the cultural and linguistic isolation of the Arab minority in Israel, the Military Administration, abolished half a year earlier, also disappeared. Consequently, more openness became possible, almost imperative. Moreover, soon after this war, an era of economic growth and prosperity began—factors facilitating the printing and publication of books and periodicals. Symptomatic of this change is the fact that several writers, formerly supporters of the Establishment, showed signs of moving to the camp of its critics. Such are Michel Haddād and some others.25 Several joined the extremist stand of those Arab writers in Israel who not only call for equality, but openly take sides with a radical nationalist struggle within the state. This is not merely a more acute form of alienation among Arab writers in Israel.26 Rather, to use their own simile, it is a literary eruption like that of a volcano whose lava consists of nationalist sentiments suppressed during the first twenty years of Israel’s existence.27

Increasingly, works of a clear-cut political nature are being published. An example is a book in Arabic by ‘Umar Ghazzāwī, entitled Zionism and the Arab Minority in Israel,28 in which the (p.90) author perceives Israeli rule as a state of Nazi-type apartheid,29 oblivious to all evidence contradicting his thesis. Similarly, the nationalist poetry of a permanent oppositionist such as Mahmud Darwīsh (who has left Israel) grew more bitter over the years in its radical contents and style. In the writings of Darwīsh and others like him, the ‘private ego’ and the ‘national ego’ are as one, while the dominant political tone gives the latter the upper hand. A certain sense of satisfaction and security is derived by these writers from their assumption that theirs is a majority literature (considering Middle Eastern conditions), not a minority one; the writing is directed outwards no less than inwards. Hence it increasingly resembles, in motifs and emphases, literature in the Israeli-held territories. No less than their peers in the territories, Arab authors in Israel seem to feel that they must write politically, even radically, according to their perceptions of the situation in the State of Israel. An example is the above Samlḥ al-Qāsim.30 Aware of this, Itzhak Navon, while Minister of Education and Culture, in 1988 appointed a committee headed by an Arab, Muwaffaq Khūrī, deputy head of the Tblln local council, to award annual prizes to authors of Arabic belles-lettres, both prose and poetry,31 probably in order to encourage writing not centrally bearing on politics.

The professional associations of Arab writers well reflect the polarization and fragmentation within Arab society in Israel. In 1990, at least three competing associations were in existence: (1) the General Union of Palestinian Arab Writers in Israel (al-Ittiḥād al-‘āmm li-’l-kuttāb al-Ἁrab al-Filasṭiniyyīn fī Isrā’īl), in Nazareth, headed by Jamāl Qa‘wār, a writer who has moved, politically, from the Progressive List for Peace to the Democratic Arab Party; (2) the League of the Palestinian Men of Letters within [Israel] (Rābiṭat al-udabā’ al-Filasṭiniyyīn fī-’l-dākhil), also in Nazareth, headed by Aḥmad Darwīsh, an adherent of the Progressive List for Peace and with the active participation of the above George Qanāzi‘, who teaches Arabic literature at Haifa University, and the writer ̣Hannā Abū ̣Hannā; (3) the Union of Arab Writers in Israel (Ittihād al-Kuttāb al-Ἁrab fī Isrā’īl), headed by Samīh al-Qāsim, active in Communist politics, the (p.91) Druze Salmān Nāṭūr and the writer Fārūq Muwāsī, a Ph.D. graduate in Arabic literature from Bar-Ilan University.32

The Theatre

Besides narrative prose, poetry, and political works, Arab authors in Israel have written plays. The theatre, a well-tried vehicle for expressing and shaping public opinion, has served the Arab minority in this role.33 Arab theatrical activity under the British Mandate in Palestine had no immediate continuation in Israel. When theatrical troupes sprang up in centres of Arab population, such as Nazareth and Haifa, their first steps were hesitant, artistically and as regards content, and were characterized by feeling their way. After Arab actors had studied, together with their Jewish peers, at the Ben-Zvi drama school in Ramat-Gan, or elsewhere (even abroad), and after the revival of Arabic literature since 1967 and the potential rise in the number of spectators, speedy development took place in the Arab theatre. Although several troupes presented the best of the world repertoire, others selected Arabic plays written in Israel. Among these, the number of political plays grew steadily, particularly those dealing, explicitly or implicitly, with issues concerning the Arabs in Israel and their coexistence with the Jews. An example is Coexistence, performed in Haifa, in 1970. It was written by Muhammad Watad, a Muslim Arab active in MAPAM and later elected to the Knesset on its slate (more recently he has moved to the Israeli Communist Party).34 The play presents a collection of stories about the daily life of both simple people and well-educated ones—a gallery of types representing split personalities which meditate on Jewish-Arab coexistence in Israel. The play was (p.92) performed in both Arabic and Hebrew, and offered a moderate political message—the search for solutions for coexistence. Another play, performed in East Jerusalem two years later, by the Balloons’ Troupe, was rather different in content and intent. Entitled Darkness, it attacked the ills of contemporary Arabic society, forcefully pleading for doing away with darkness—meaning both feudal Arab society and Israeli rule. An East Jerusalem troupe, al- Ḥakawātī, has in subsequent years performed political plays with even more trenchant messages, chiefly applying to the Israeli-held territories.35

The Press

In Israel numerous newspapers and periodicals are published in various languages—Hebrew, Arabic, and the languages of the different diasporas from which Jews have migrated. During the new state’s first ten years, three main categories were evident in the Arabic press: first, that supported by the state or the Histadrut; secondly, that financed by political parties and critical or rival groupings; thirdly, publications edited and distributed by Christian denominations.36

Following the 1967 War, the first category disappeared. Prominent among these older publications were the weekly Ḥaqīqat al-Amr (The Truth of the Matter), appearing since 1937; the daily al-Anbā’ (News), followed by the daily al-Yawm (The Day),37 or the literary periodical Liqaā’ (Meeting). The main reason for their closing down (although Liqā’ was later revived) seems to have been Arab reluctance to read them, due to successful competition from other newspapers and periodicals, published in Jerusalem and (p.93) in the Israeli-held territories. The Histadrut, however, continued to issue, for its more or less steady readership, Arab periodicals of a vocational, educational, or cultural character, as well as a periodical for women, entitled al-Mar’ a (The Woman).

The second category was led by Communist publications, such as the daily al-lttiḥād (The Union, or Unity), which continue to appear and to criticize the Establishment aggressively. Their contents sometimes border on incitement, and the authorities took a very unusual step and closed down al-Ittiḥād for a week in March 1988.38 Another example is a non-Communist political newspaper, al-’Arabī (The Arab), published irregularly, without any mention of place, publisher, or responsible editor, every issue being labelled as ‘a one-off newspaper’ (which means that, legally, it does not need a publication permit).39 The tactic, probably learned from al-Ard, a group active thirty years previously (to be discussed below, in Chapter 7), implies introducing a slight change in the newspaper’s title, in every issue, such as ‘The Voice of the Arab’, ‘The Opinion of the Arab’, ‘The Appeal of the Arab’, and so forth.

The third category, the press of the Christian denominations, continued publication, with various modifications, but generally maintaining political attitudes critical of the State of Israel and of its agencies in the Arab sector.

The main innovation, in the 1980s, was in the publication of several local Arab newspapers, which fill the void left by the demise of the pro-Establishment press. Some are regular, while others appear at irregular intervals. They are mostly published in relatively large centres like Nazareth and Acre (for Galilee), Umm al-Faḥm (for the Little Triangle), Jaffa, and other places. Thanks to their focusing on local affairs, including some gossip, and printing political articles as well, they penetrate wider circles. Thus, they exploit both the remarkable increase in the number of literate Arabs in Israel and the rise in their interest in politics; indeed, they have probably contributed their own share to politicization.40 One instance is the popular weekly al-Ṣināra (The Hook), published in Nazareth, which combines anti-Establishment propaganda (p.94) with spicy reports of local scandals. The weekly hosts various radical newspapermen, including several who have left the Israeli Communist Party, such as ̣Salībā Khamīs. About half of each issue is reserved for politics,41 thus contributing to the radicalization of its readers. The paper competes not only with the Communist press, but also with the nationalist, like the Nazareth weekly of the Progressive List for Peace, al-Waṭan (The Fatherland) which is also published without name of publisher and responsible editor. Yet another is al-Rāya (The Banner), succeeded by al-Maydān (The Combat Area), both issued by the Sons of the Village, an extreme group (to be discussed below, in Chapter 8). To these, several dailies and periodicals can be added, published in East Jerusalem and addressing themselves to the Arabs in the Israeli-held territories; both contents and style are aggressive. For instance, during the Gulf War, early in 1991, these newspapers enthusiastically supported Ṣaddām Ḥusayn, getting approving feedback from readers in Isreal and the territories.42

Table 6.1. Main Arabic newspapers and periodicals

Name

Frequency

Place of Publication

Publisher

Editor

Political Affiliation

al-Ittiḥād

Daily

Haifa

Tawfīq Ṭūbī

Sālim Jubrān

Communist

al-Ṣināra

Weekly

Nazareth

Widā’ Mash‘ūr

Luṭfī Mash‘ūr

Independent

Kull al-Ἁrab

Weekly

Tel-Aviv

Laylà Ḥaṣdāya

Muḥammad Watad

Independent

al-Ἁrabī

Weekly

Acre

George Abū Raḥmūn

George Abū Raḥmūn

Independent

al-Ṣirāṭ

Weekly

Umm al-Faḥm

Sulaymān Aghbāriyya

Sulaymān Aghbāriyya

Islamic Movement*

Nidā’ al-Aswār

Weekly

Acre

Hanān Ḥijāzī

Dib’kkāwī

Independent

al-Maydān

Weekly

Nazareth

Maḥmūd Abū Rajab

‛Awad ‛Abd al-Fattāḥ

Village Sons

Panorama

Weekly

Ṭaiyyba

‘Ā’ida Jābir

Bassām Jābir

Independent

al-Nadwa

Weekly

Jerusalem

Maḥmūd Zaḥāliqa

Maḥmūd Zaḥāliqa

Independent

Ṣawt al-Ḥaqq wa-’l-Ḥurriya

Weekly

Umm al-Faḥm

Khālid Muhannà

Khālid Muhannà

Islamic Movement

al-Diyār

Weekly

Nazareth

Ἁbd al- Wahhāb Darāwshe

Ἁbd al- Wahhāb Darāwshe

Democratic Arab Party

al-Waṭan

Weekly

Nazareth

None specified

None specified

Progressive List for Peace§

al-Qindīl

Weekly

Bāqa al- Gharbiyya

Jamāl Majdala

Muḥammad Ghanā’im

Independent

al-Rāṣid

Weekly

Nazareth

Ḥabīb Musallam

Ḥabīb Musallam

Independent

al-Jawwāl

Monthly

Ṭīra

Maṇsūr Maṇsūr

Jamāl Ἁbd al- Raḥīm

Independent

al-Juzūr

Monthly

Ṭaiyyba

Muntaṣar Ḥājj Yaḥyὰ

Muntaṣar Ḥājj Yaḥyὰ

Independent

al-Siyāsa

Monthly

Haifa

Khālid Khalīfa

Khālid Khalīfa

Independent

Ṣawt al-Qurὰ

Monthly

Haifa

Maḥmud Abū al- Hayja

Khālid Khalīfa

40 villages

al-Wurūd

Monthly

Lydda

Angel Munayyir

Edmond Munayyir

Independent

al-Jadīd

Monthly

Haifa

Ibrāhīm Mālik

Ibrāhīm Mālik

Communist

al-Quds

Daily

E. Jerusalem

Maḥmūd Abū Zuluf

Maḥmūd Abū Zuluf

PLO

al-Nahār

Daily

E. Jerusalem

‘Uthmān al- Ḥalaq

‛Alț Ya‛țshḷsām al- ‘Inānī

Kingdom of Jordan

al-Fajr

Daily

E. Jerusalem

Ḥilmī Ḥanūn

Ḥannā Sinyūra

FATAH

al-Sha‘b

Daily

E. Jerusalem

Maḥmūd Ya ‘īsh

Ἁlī Ya ‘īsh

PLO

al-Bayādir al-Siyāsī

Weekly

E. Jerusalem

Jacques Ḥazmō

Jacques Ḥazmō

PLO and Kingdom of Jordan

al Usbū‘al-Jadīd

Weekly

E. Jerusalem

Hannā Sinyūra

Hannā Sinyūra

PLO

al-Manār

Weekly

E. Jerusalem

Ismā‛īl Ἁjwὰ

Ismā‛īl Ἁjwὰ

PLO

al-Mawqif

Monthly

E. Jerusalem

Zuhayr al-Ra’īs

Isḥāq al-Budayrī

Pan-Arabism

Qaḍāyā

Every two months

E. Jerusalem

Maḥmūd Muḥārib

Maḥmūd Muḥārib

Independent?

(*) Started to appear in July 1990, one week after Ṣawt al-Ḥaqq wa-’l-̣Hurriyya was closed down by an order of the authorities.

() Probably connected to the Muslim Brethren.

() Its publication was renewed in 1991.

(§) al-Waṭan did not mention the names of the publisher and the responsible editor, probably owing to conflicts within the PLP. In order not to break the law, which lays down that every newspaper and periodical has to apply for a publication permit and submit the names of the above functionaries, al-Waṭan constantly represents itself as a ‘Bulletin for the Voter’ (nashra li-’1-nākhib).

() Started publication in Jan. 1991.

() Started publication in Nov. 1989.

(p.95) (p.96) (p.97) If one omits various Arab newspapers issued sporadically and for short periods, as well as those that have closed down, the list inTable 6.1 reflects the Arab press as of the end of the year 1990.43

Notes:

(1) The lecture was later printed as ‘Istimrār al-thaqāfa al-Ἁrabiyya al-Filasṭīniyya fī Isrā’īl’, al-Jadῑd, 3 (Mar. 1984), 13–18.

(2) e.g. Sharīf Muhammad Sharīf, ‘Nidā’ al-judhūr—waqfa ma‛a al-turāth al- Filasṭīnī fī al-dākhil’, al-Aswār, 3 (Spring 1989), 76–82. The author, born in Nazareth, was then a student at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

(3) e.g. Mun‘im Ḥaddād, ‘al-Liqā’ bayn al-thaqāfa al-Filasṭīniyya al-taqlīdiyya wa-bayn al-thaqāfa al-gharbiyya fī Isrā’īl’, ibid. 9 (Spring 1991), 119–31.

(4) Cf. Varda Yӗrūshalmī, ‘Beyn ōṭōnōmiyya lӗ-ne’emanūt’, ha-Aretz, 13 Dec. 1990, B4.

(5) Hannā Abū ̣Hannā, ‘al-Arḍ wa-‘l-lugha’, al-Ṣināra, 29 Mar. 1990.

(6) A part of the following is based on Jacob M. Landau’s ‘Hebrew and Arabic in the State of Israel: Political Aspects of the Language Issue’, International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 67 (1987), 117–33.

(7) Ya‘acov Friedler, ‘Israeli Arabs are strongly committed to Democracy’, Jerusalem Post, 1 June 1986, 4.

(8) ‘Kol shiḷtey ha-histadrūt bĕ-yishshūvīm Ἁraviyyīm w-vĕ-yishshūvīm mӗ‘ōravīm, yihyū bi-shĕtey ha-safōt’, ha-Aretz, 30 Jan. 1989, 3.

(9) e.g., Ἁbd al-Rạhmān al-Shaykh Yūsuf, ‘Ām al-lugha al-Ἁrabiyya’, al-Ittiḥād, 13 June 1990; Mụhammad ̣Habīb Allāh, ‘La-narudd al-i‘tibār li-lughatinā al- Ἁrabiyya’, al-Ghad, 2 (Apr. 1990), 18–19.

(10) Nīr Ṣhōhạt, ‘ha-Hagīga ha-mӗṣhūṭtefet li-khvōd shĕnat ha-lashōn ha-‘Ivrīt wĕ-ha-lashōn ha-Ἁravīt’, Mifgash, 13–14 (Summer-Autumn 1990), 108–21.

(11) For which see e.g. Kāmil al-Sawāfīrī, ‘al-Adab fī Filasṭīn fī ẓill al-intidāb’, al-Ufq al-Jadīd, 4/1 (Jan. 1965), 23–4.

(12) After several attempts, an association of Arab writers was set up in Nazareth, on 30 Sept.-1 Oct. 1987. See al-Mawākib, 4/11–12 (Nov.-Dec. 1987), 69–89. For the association’s rules and regulations, cf. Ittiḥād al-Kuttāb al-Ἁrab (Autumn 1988), 167–9; also al-Sināra, 6 July 1990, 18, 30.

(13) she Dōr, ‘ha-Sifrūt ha-Ἁravīt ha-tsōmạhat ba-aretz’, Ma’arīv, 18 Feb. 1972, 34. Cf. Amos Kenan, ‘Communication between Jewish and Arab Citizens’, New Outlook, 14/120 (Jan.–Feb. 1971), 19–21.

(14) Fauzi El-Asmar, ‘The Portrayal of Arabs in Hebrew Children’s Literature’, Journal of Palestine Studies, 16/1 (Autumn 1986), 81–94.

(15) R. Snīr, ‘Petsa‘ehad mi-pӗtsa‘av—ha-sifrūt ha-Ἁravīt ha-Paleṣtīnīt bĕ-Isrā’el’, Alpayim, 2 (1990), esp. 244–6.

(16) I shall focus on the political dimensions of Arab literature in Israel, which has been discussed in several works. See e.g., in addition to Snir’s study, mentioned in n. 15, the following: Ghassān Kanafānī, Adab al-muqāwama fī Filastīn al-mụhtalla; Lutfiyya al-Shihābl, ‘Diwan al-watan al-muhtall’, al-Adīb, June 1969, 39–40; Mahmūd al-Samra, ‘Dawāwīn shi#x201b;r min al-arḍ al-muhtalla’, ibid. Nov. 1969, 12–14; Riyād Sharāra, Ἁdab al-muqāwama fī Filastīn al-mụhtalla’, al-̣Hawādith, 10/507 (29 July 1966), 24; Antūn Shammās, ha-Sifrūt ha-Ἁravīt bĕ-Isrā’el ạharey 1967 (1976); S. Moreh, ‘ha-Sifrūt ba-safa ha-Ἁravīt bi-Mĕdīnat Isrā’el’, ha-Mizraḥ he-̣Hadash, 9/33–4 (1958), 26–38; Avraham Yinōn, ‘Kamma nōs’ey mōqed ba-sifrūt shel Ἁrviyyey Israel’, ibid. 15/57–8 (1965), 57–84; Salmān Masālha, Ἁnashīm bӗ-tōkh millīm’, Pōlīṭīqa, 21 (June 1988), 44–50; Natan Zakh, ‘Āl reqa’ tsa ‘aqat ha-yamīm ha-tĕrūfīm’, ibid. 51–6; Shmuel Moreh, Ἁrabic Literature in Israel’, Middle Eastern Studies, 3/3 (April 1967), 283–94; Stefan Wild, Ghassan Kanafani: The Life of A Palestinian (1975).

(17) George Qanāzi, ‘Yĕsōdōt idey’ōlōgiyyīm ba-sifrūt ha-Ἁravīt bĕ-Isrā’el’, ha-Mizraḥ he-Ḥadash, 32/125–8 (1989), 129–38.

(18) For his literary work, see S. Balas, ‘Mal’akh ba-geyhinnōm’, ha-Aretz, 5 June 1970, 22.

(19) Details in Landau, The Arabs in Israel (1969), 57–68.

(20) Shafīq Ḥabīb, ‘al-Riqāba ḥarrafat tarjamat qaṣ’ā’idl’, al-Ṣināra, 22 June 1990, 3.

(21) See various examples in the stories transl. by S. Balas into Hebrew, entitled Sīppūrim Palesṭīna’ iyy’m (1970).

(22) Shammās, ha-Sifrūt ha-Ἁravīt bĕ-Isrā’el (n. 16 above), 1 ff.

(23) Emile ̣Habībī, ‘Ta’thīr ḥarb 1967 ‘alà al-adab al-Filasṭīnī fī Isrā’īl’, al-Jadīd, 1–2 (Jan.–Feb. 1976), 51–65; Maḥmud Ghanāyim, ‘Namādhij min qạsạsinā al-mạhallī fī al-sab‘ināt wa-‘l-thamanīnat’, al-Ittiḥād, 6 July 1990.

(24) Cf. Sarah Graham-Brown, ‘The Poetry of Survival’, Middle East, 122 (Dec. 1984), 43–4.

(25) See about him Muḥammad Ḥamza Ghanāyim, ‘Riwāya Ἁrabiyya Filastīniyya bi-hurūf ‛Ibriyya’, al-Jadīd, 35/6 (June 1986), 57–9.

(26) George Qanāzi’, ‘Beʽayat ha-zehūt ba-sifrūt shel Ἁrviyyey Isrā’el’, in A. Hareven (ed.), Eḥad mi-kol shishsha (1981), 149–69.

(27) Snīr (n. 15 above), 255.

(28) ‘Umar Ghazzāwī, al-Ṣahyūniyya wa-‘l-aqalliyya al-qawmiyya al-Ἁrabiyya fī Isrā’īl.

(29) Ibid. 40–52.

(30) ‘Nadwat al-Quds ̣hawl al-adab al-Filasṭīnī fī Isrā’īl’, al-Jadīd, 11–12 (Nov.- Dec. 1983), 6–11, esp. 9–10.

(31) Muwaffaq Khūrī, in al-̣Sināra, 24 May 1991.

(32) Details in Arabs in Israel, 1/7 (15 Mar. 1991), 7.

(33) For the Arab theatre in Israel, see inter alia: Yūsuf Ḥaydar, ‘al-̣Haraka al- masrạhiyya fī al-bilād’, in Khālid Khalifa (ed.), Filasṭīniyyūn 1948–1988 (1988), esp. 248ff.; Riyād ‘Ismat, ‘Ta’sīl al-masraḥ al-Ἁrabī’, al-Shab, 15 Nov. 1978; Nạhman Ben-Ἁmmī, ‘Sīah ‘al Ἁravīm’, Maa‘riv, 15 July 1970, 19; D. Rubinstein, ‘ha-Ballōnīm matsīgīm et ha-hōweh he-̣hashūkh’, Davar, 30 Nov. 1972, 7, 11. Shōsh Maymōn, ‘Nim’as lī līmasḥer et ha-kĕ’ev shelī’, Yĕdī‘ōt Ạharōnōt, 28 Oct. 1988, Suppl., 12–13; Mendel Kohansky, ‘An Israeli-Arab’s Coexistence’, Jerusalem Post Magazine, 17 July 1970, 16.

(34) Muhammad Watad, ‘Co-Existence’, New Outlook, 13/117 (Sept.–Oct. 1970), 68–73.

(35) The cinema, too, strove to promote Palestinian views among the Arabs in Israel and others. See ̣Husayn al-Ἁwdāt, al-Sinimā wa-’l-qadiyya al-Filasḥīniyya 2 (1989).

(36) For the Arab press in Palestine under Ottoman and British rule, the most exhaustive treatment is in three volumes by J. Yĕhōshūa’, entitled, respectively, Ta‘rikh, al-̣sihāfa al-Ἁrabiyya fī Filasḥīn fī al-‘ahd al-‘Uthmāni (1908–1918) (1978); Ta’rikh al-̣sihāfa al-Ἁrabiyya al-Filaṣtīniyya 1919–1929 (1981); Ta’rikh al-̣sịhāfa al-Ἁrabiyya al-Filasṭīniyya fī nihāyat ‘ahd al-intidāb al-Brītānī‘alā Filasṭīn, 1930–1948 (1983). See also Ἁbd al-Bāqī Shannān, ‘Bidāyat al-̣sịhāfa al-Filasṭīniyya’, al-Mawākib, 4/7–8 (July-Aug. 1987), 42–6.

(37) Ellen Geffner, ‘An Israeli Arab View of Israel’, Jewish Social Studies, 36/2 (Apr. 1974), 134–41.

(38) Cf. ha-Aretz, 25–30 Mar. 1988; Jerusalem Post, 5 Apr. 1988.

(39) We have the issues from 10 Nov. 1989 to 12 Jan. 1990, but it is possible that subsequent ones were published.

(40) Khālid Khalīfa, ‘al-Majāl al-̣sụhufī—al-̣sịhāfa al-Filasṭīniyya ilā ayna?’, in Khālid Khalīfa (ed.), ‘Filasṭīniyyūn ‛1948–1988 (1988), 317–20.

(41) D. Rubinstein, ‘‛Ittōn Isrӗ’elī mĕ’ōd’, ha-Aretz, 4 Jan. 1991, 13–14.

(42) Yizhar Be‘er, ‘Empty Shoes in the Sand: Israel’s Arabs Take Stock’, New Outlook, 34/314–15 (Apr.-May 1991), 31–3.

(43) Based on The Arabs in Israel, 1/3 (25 Nov. 1990), 8, and other sources.