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ArchiComplexities of Agreement in Cross-Theoretical Perspective$
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Oliver Bond, Greville G. Corbett, Marina Chumakina, and Dunstan Brown

Print publication date: 2016

Print ISBN-13: 9780198747291

Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: October 2016

DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198747291.001.0001

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HPSG and the nature of agreement in Archi

HPSG and the nature of agreement in Archi

(p.118) 5 HPSG and the nature of agreement in Archi

Robert D. Borsley

Oxford University Press

In Archi, verbs and other clausal constituents agree with an absolutive argument. Attributive adjectives, demonstratives, and possessive pronouns agree with the head noun in the nominal domain. In Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG) the former can be analysed as INDEX agreement and the latter as CONCORD agreement. However, data from Archi pose a variety of questions about how exactly they should be analysed. While any agreeing element must agree with an absolutive argument in the clausal domain, neither a constraint on ARG–ST lists nor a constraint on the features SUBJ (SUBJECT) and COMPS (COMPLEMENTS) can provide a satisfactory account of this agreement. This suggests that a constraint on syntactic structures is required. Data from Archi demonstrate that unexpressed absolutives must be represented at the relevant level of structure, contrary to much work in HPSG.

Keywords:   Archi, Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG), agreement, index, concord, domain, constraint, syntactic structure

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