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ArchiComplexities of Agreement in Cross-Theoretical Perspective$
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Oliver Bond, Greville G. Corbett, Marina Chumakina, and Dunstan Brown

Print publication date: 2016

Print ISBN-13: 9780198747291

Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: October 2016

DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198747291.001.0001

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HPSG and the nature of agreement in Archi

HPSG and the nature of agreement in Archi

Chapter:
(p.118) 5 HPSG and the nature of agreement in Archi
Source:
Archi
Author(s):

Robert D. Borsley

Publisher:
Oxford University Press
DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198747291.003.0005

In Archi, verbs and other clausal constituents agree with an absolutive argument. Attributive adjectives, demonstratives, and possessive pronouns agree with the head noun in the nominal domain. In Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG) the former can be analysed as INDEX agreement and the latter as CONCORD agreement. However, data from Archi pose a variety of questions about how exactly they should be analysed. While any agreeing element must agree with an absolutive argument in the clausal domain, neither a constraint on ARG–ST lists nor a constraint on the features SUBJ (SUBJECT) and COMPS (COMPLEMENTS) can provide a satisfactory account of this agreement. This suggests that a constraint on syntactic structures is required. Data from Archi demonstrate that unexpressed absolutives must be represented at the relevant level of structure, contrary to much work in HPSG.

Keywords:   Archi, Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG), agreement, index, concord, domain, constraint, syntactic structure

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