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The Complementizer PhaseSubjects and Operators$
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E. Phoevos Panagiotidis

Print publication date: 2010

Print ISBN-13: 9780199584352

Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: September 2010

DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199584352.001.0001

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(Non-)Extraction from Subjects as an Edge Phenomenon

(Non-)Extraction from Subjects as an Edge Phenomenon

(p.33) 3 (Non-)Extraction from Subjects as an Edge Phenomenon
The Complementizer Phase

George Kotzoglou

Oxford University Press

This chapter examines the lack of Subject Condition violations in null subject languages (and, most prominently, Greek). The chapter proposes that Subject Condition effects are due to a prohibition on multiple phase‐internal movement. Modifying Nunes's (1999, 2004) proposal, and in the spirit of Richards (2001, 2006), Boeckx (2003, 2008) the chapter argues for a Restriction on Copy Reduction, an anti‐locality princple which bans the PF‐silencing of more than one movement copies of a single element within the lifespan of a syntactic phase. It is shown that this principle follows as soon as we assume that the notion ‘chain’ has no place in a derivational model of grammar.

Keywords:   Subject Condition, CED, Condition on Extraction Domains, phase, Restriction on Copy Reduction, RCR, Phonetic Form, PF

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