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Ways of Structure Building$
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Myriam Uribe-Etxebarria and Vidal Valmala

Print publication date: 2012

Print ISBN-13: 9780199644933

Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: September 2012

DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199644933.001.0001

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Disharmony, Antisymmetry, and the Final‐over‐Final Constraint *

Disharmony, Antisymmetry, and the Final‐over‐Final Constraint *

(p.206) 9 Disharmony, Antisymmetry, and the Final‐over‐Final Constraint*
Ways of Structure Building

Theresa Biberauer

Michelle Sheehan

Oxford University Press

This chapter addresses the crucial issue of how hierarchical structure relates to linear order, and provides evidence that the two are universally mediated by a version of Kayne’s (1994) Linear Correspondence Axiom (LCA). The discussion focuses on new data in support of the Final-over-Final Constraint (FOFC), an apparent gap in disharmonic word orders. The data in question relate to the embedding of various types of clauses in OV languages. Almost universally, the FOFC-violating order (*[VP [CPC TP] V]) fails to surface, and what we see instead is extraposition, i.e. superficially: [VP V [CP C TP]]. Based on these data, the chapter argues that: (i) in such cases, obligatory extraposition comes about as an indirect result of FOFC; (ii) any adequate explanation of FOFC and its effects will need to refer to the LCA; and (iii) the pattern provides evidence for the independently proposed idea that certain CPs can be embedded under nominal structure.

Keywords:   c-command, clausal nominalization, CP extraposition, disharmonic word order, final-over-final constraint, head parameter, labelling/label, linear correspondence axiom/LCA, linearization, spell-out

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