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Anti-contiguityA Theory of Wh- Prosody$
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Jason Kandybowicz

Print publication date: 2020

Print ISBN-13: 9780197509739

Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: November 2020

DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780197509739.001.0001

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An Anti-contiguity Approach to Tano in-situ Interrogative Distribution

An Anti-contiguity Approach to Tano in-situ Interrogative Distribution

(p.39) Chapter 3 An Anti-contiguity Approach to Tano in-situ Interrogative Distribution

Jason Kandybowicz

Oxford University Press

This chapter develops the Anti-contiguity proposal based on the distribution of wh- in-situ in Krachi, Bono, Wasa, and Asante Twi. Embedded wh- in-situ is only allowed in Krachi and Bono. The chapter argues that a prohibition on wh- items phrasing with overt C at the level of Intonational Phrase (iP) underpins this distributional asymmetry. In these languages, the acceptability of embedded wh- in-situ correlates with the prosodic status of the immediately containing clause—embedded clauses are independent iPs in Krachi and Bono, but not in Wasa and Asante Twi. Thus, iP boundaries divide C from embedded interrogatives in Krachi and Bono, preventing the items from forming iP constituents. No such boundaries intervene between embedded C and wh- in Wasa and Asante Twi, yielding prosodic mappings in which the items phrase together. Consequently, embedded wh- in-situ is prosodically licit in Krachi and Bono, but not in Wasa or Asante Twi.

Keywords:   wh- in-situ, long-distance wh- in-situ, anti-contiguity, Intonational Phrase, wh- prosody, syntax-phonology interface, Krachi, Bono, Wasa, Asante Twi

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