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Anti-contiguityA Theory of Wh- Prosody$
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Jason Kandybowicz

Print publication date: 2020

Print ISBN-13: 9780197509739

Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: November 2020

DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780197509739.001.0001

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PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARSHIP ONLINE (oxford.universitypressscholarship.com). (c) Copyright Oxford University Press, 2021. All Rights Reserved. An individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a monograph in OSO for personal use. date: 08 March 2021

An Anti-contiguity Approach to Nupe Interrogative Distribution

An Anti-contiguity Approach to Nupe Interrogative Distribution

(p.75) Chapter 4 An Anti-contiguity Approach to Nupe Interrogative Distribution

Jason Kandybowicz

Oxford University Press

This chapter furnishes additional support for the Anti-contiguity theory of wh- prosody by demonstrating that it derives two surprising and mysterious asymmetries of Nupe wh- syntax. The first asymmetry concerns the fact that in embedded clauses the structurally lowest wh- item in a multiple wh- question may not appear in-situ. The second asymmetry concerns the availability of embedded non-interrogative focus and the impossibility of embedded interrogative focus. Both of these asymmetries are argued to be explainable in terms of the Anti-contiguity ban on contiguous wh- phrasing with overt C at the Intonational Phrase level, given that overt embedded C does not introduce an Intonational Phrase boundary in Nupe, as in Wasa and Asante Twi. As a consequence, no Intonational Phrase boundary insulates focused embedded wh- items from overt embedding complementizers, therefore running afoul of the Anti-contiguity prohibition.

Keywords:   wh- in-situ, multiple wh- question, partial wh- movement, embedded question, wh- prosody, anti-contiguity, syntax-phonology interface, Nupe

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